Given the short (7 day) comment period over the July 4th weekend, CPO is not too surprised that there were so few comments posted on the regulations.gov website concerning a proposed MOU with Libya: https://www.regulations.gov/document?D=DOS_FRDOC_0001-4160
After eliminating duplicates and a few unclear comments, it appears that only 19% or 7 of the commentators supported the MOU with the remaining 34 opposed in whole or part.
Four of the proponents represented group interests. Of these, one was a University and another was an archaeological group that also is a State Department contractor. Six trade associations or collector advocacy groups were among those opposed to any MOU in whole or in part. Most of the individual comments came from coin collectors or dealers.
No doubt some proponents will spin these the low numbers as a lack of public opposition to any MOU. But what really should be asked is whether the whole enterprise is really nothing more than a special interest program for archaeological groups either tied to source countries where they excavate or the State Department which funds them. Maybe there needs to be a rethink whether scarce State Department resources should be earmarked for other programs that further our national interest or promote American business abroad.
Tuesday, July 11, 2017
My Personal Comment on the Proposed Libyan MOU
Here is my personal comment on the proposed Libyan MOU:
Please
accept these personal comments. I have also commented on behalf of a number of
organizations.
1. CPAC should view this request with skepticism. Few details have emerged that support Libya's MOU request. Moreover, this request has been rushed, with a short comment period smack in the middle of a long holiday week. This action, which can only limit the number of comments CPAC receives, in itself suggests that this request should be viewed with caution-- even if the country itself wasn't a mess as it has been since its revolution of 2011.
2. The country has 3 governments, and two antiquities authorities jockeying for position. It's not even clear which of these entities supports this request. In any case, whatever "government" Libya has, powerful militias are in the background that can break these "governments" pretty much at will.
3. There are no guarantees that any artifacts Customs sends to Libya under any MOU will be protected, much less studied and displayed. None of Libya's museums are open and what staff remains have to make do under very trying circumstances.
4. Frankly, instead of yet another round of import restrictions, the State Department, along with other international organizations, should instead focus on helping Libyan community groups protect Libya's 5 UNESCO World Heritage sites from the deprivations of Islamic fundamentalists. Ultimately, Palmyra and Nimrud suffered severe damage because local communities didn't care enough to protect them from ISIS. Let's help those locals who care about these sites protect them.
5. I do not believe that Libya and the proponents of import restrictions have made out a case for either "regular" or "emergency restrictions." Nonetheless, if CPAC feels it cannot resist bureaucratic pressure to "do something," Libya's request should be treated as an "emergency one" and restrictions limited to site specific material from Libya's endangered World Heritage Sites: (1) Kyrene; (2) Leptis Magna; (3) Sabratha; (4) Tadrat Acacus; and (5) Ghademes. (See Libya's five World Heritage sites put on List of World Heritage in Danger, (UNESCO) (July 14, 2017), available at [URL REMOVED]
6. Under no circumstances should there be restrictions placed on historical coins except those identifiable as stolen from Libyan public and private collections. Here, IAPN, PNG and ACCG have noted what hoard evidence that is available shows that "Libyan" coins are typically found outside of the confines of modern day "Libya," which would make any restrictions placed upon them contrary to governing law. Ancient Coin Collectors Guild v. U.S. Customs and Border Protection, 801 F. Supp. 2d 383, 407 n. 25 (D. Md. 2011) ("Congress only authorized the imposition of import restrictions on objects that were 'first discovered within, and [are] subject to the export control by the State Party.").
Thank you for your consideration of these comments.
Sincerely,
Peter Tompa
1. CPAC should view this request with skepticism. Few details have emerged that support Libya's MOU request. Moreover, this request has been rushed, with a short comment period smack in the middle of a long holiday week. This action, which can only limit the number of comments CPAC receives, in itself suggests that this request should be viewed with caution-- even if the country itself wasn't a mess as it has been since its revolution of 2011.
2. The country has 3 governments, and two antiquities authorities jockeying for position. It's not even clear which of these entities supports this request. In any case, whatever "government" Libya has, powerful militias are in the background that can break these "governments" pretty much at will.
3. There are no guarantees that any artifacts Customs sends to Libya under any MOU will be protected, much less studied and displayed. None of Libya's museums are open and what staff remains have to make do under very trying circumstances.
4. Frankly, instead of yet another round of import restrictions, the State Department, along with other international organizations, should instead focus on helping Libyan community groups protect Libya's 5 UNESCO World Heritage sites from the deprivations of Islamic fundamentalists. Ultimately, Palmyra and Nimrud suffered severe damage because local communities didn't care enough to protect them from ISIS. Let's help those locals who care about these sites protect them.
5. I do not believe that Libya and the proponents of import restrictions have made out a case for either "regular" or "emergency restrictions." Nonetheless, if CPAC feels it cannot resist bureaucratic pressure to "do something," Libya's request should be treated as an "emergency one" and restrictions limited to site specific material from Libya's endangered World Heritage Sites: (1) Kyrene; (2) Leptis Magna; (3) Sabratha; (4) Tadrat Acacus; and (5) Ghademes. (See Libya's five World Heritage sites put on List of World Heritage in Danger, (UNESCO) (July 14, 2017), available at [URL REMOVED]
6. Under no circumstances should there be restrictions placed on historical coins except those identifiable as stolen from Libyan public and private collections. Here, IAPN, PNG and ACCG have noted what hoard evidence that is available shows that "Libyan" coins are typically found outside of the confines of modern day "Libya," which would make any restrictions placed upon them contrary to governing law. Ancient Coin Collectors Guild v. U.S. Customs and Border Protection, 801 F. Supp. 2d 383, 407 n. 25 (D. Md. 2011) ("Congress only authorized the imposition of import restrictions on objects that were 'first discovered within, and [are] subject to the export control by the State Party.").
Thank you for your consideration of these comments.
Sincerely,
Peter Tompa
Monday, July 3, 2017
Ask CPAC to Limit or Table the Problematic Libyan MOU request Rather than Rush it Through
The State Department has announced an exceptionally short
comment period for a proposed MOU with Libya ending on July 10th. The exceptionally short time frame for public
comment as well as the timing of this request to coincide with a raft of highly
exaggerated reports claiming that the antiquities trade funds terrorism emanating
from the Antiquities Coalition, a well-funded and politically connected advocacy
group with ties to MENA authoritarian governments, suggests that the Libyan MOU
is yet another done deal.
Still, if one
feels strongly about their continued ability to collect ancient artifacts
and/or historical coins, CPO believes they should comment on the regulations.gov
website here:
https://www.regulations.gov/document?D=DOS_FRDOC_0001-4160
Why? Because silence will only be spun as acquiesce by US and Libyan cultural bureaucracies as well as the archaeological lobby with an ax to grind against collectors.
https://www.regulations.gov/document?D=DOS_FRDOC_0001-4160
Why? Because silence will only be spun as acquiesce by US and Libyan cultural bureaucracies as well as the archaeological lobby with an ax to grind against collectors.
A. The
Law
The Cultural Property
Implementation Act (“CPIA”) contains significant procedural and substantive
constraints on the executive authority to impose import restrictions on
cultural goods.
“Regular” restrictions may
only be applied to archaeological artifacts of “cultural significance” “first
discovered within” and “subject to the export control” of a specific UNESCO
State Party. They must be part of a “concerted international response” of
other market nations, and can only be applied after less onerous “self-help”
measures are tried. They must also be consistent with the general
interest of the international community in the interchange of cultural property
among nations for scientific, cultural, and educational purposes.
“Emergency restrictions”
are narrower. They focus on material of
particular importance, but no “concerted international response” is necessary. The material must be a “newly discovered
type” or from a site of “high cultural significance” that is in danger of
“crisis proportions.” Alternatively, the object must be of a civilization, the
record of which is in jeopardy of “crisis proportions,” and restrictions will
reduce the danger of pillage.
The Cultural Property Advisory Committee
(“CPAC”) is to provide the executive with useful advice about this
process.
The CPIA contemplates that
CPAC is to recommend whether import restrictions are appropriate as a general
matter and also specifically whether they should be placed on particular types
of cultural goods. In the past, CPAC has
recommended against import restrictions on coins. Initially those recommendations were
followed, but beginning with the renewal of Cypriot import restrictions in
2007, this has changed. Now, there are
restrictions on coins made in Cyprus, China, Italy, Greece, Bulgaria, Syria and
Egypt.
Import restrictions make it
impossible for Americans to legally import collectors’ coins widely and legally
available worldwide. Foreign sellers are typically unwilling or
unable to certify the coin in question (which can retail as little as $1) left
a specific UNESCO State Party before restrictions were imposed as required by
the CPIA and U.S. Customs and Border Protection rules. Restrictions
have drastically limited Americans’ abilities to purchase historical coins from
abroad and have negatively impacted the cultural understanding and people to
people contacts collecting fosters.
B. The
Request
The Committee for Cultural Policy has written a good
analysis of the request: https://committeeforculturalpolicy.org/libya-requests-us-to-send-artifacts-back-to-war-torn-libya/
I quote that analysis in pertinent part here:
The Public
Summary of Libya MOU Request that has been made available is actually
written by the Department of State, and “authorized” by the Libyan government.
The Department does not provide copies of actual requests, which makes it
impossible to know if the request itself complies with Congressional criteria.
No Central Government Control
It is important to note that this request comes from
the current Government of Libya, which holds only a portion of Libyan territory
at this time. Libya is divided and ruled by two competing governments and its
territory is controlled by six major militia factions, and many smaller parties
and entities. There is no single effective Government of Libya that controls
Libyan territory.
As part of every US agreement on cultural property,
the US agrees to send any art that enters the US back to the source country.
This policy applies even to art that has poor prospects of surviving in
conflict-ridden nations, and art from oppressed ethnic or religious minorities
that have been forced out of the source country. The CPIA does not provide for
return of embargoes art to anyone but a source country government.
The Request is Over Broad
The request for the imposition of U.S. import
restrictions covers the entire history of the geographic region that is Libyan
territory from the Paleolithic through the Ottoman Era (12,000 B.C.-1750 A.D.).
and on its ethnological material dating from 1551 to 1911 A.D. That is –
virtually everything – up to 1911.
The material covered would be “archaeological material
in stone, metal, ceramic and clay, glass, faience, and semi-precious stone,
mosaic, painting, plaster, textile, basketry, rope, bone, ivory, shell and
other organics. Protection is sought for ethnological material in stone, metal,
ceramic and clay, wood, bone and ivory, glass, textile, basketry and rope,
leather and parchment, and writing.” That is, everything one can think of.
No Cultural Administration
The cultural administrative staff of Libya appear in
the request to have been scattered and in considerable disorder. The request
fails to demonstrate that there is currently a government hierarchy capable of
administering cultural heritage in much of the country, even if it wished to do
so. The request provides numerous examples of failure by the Libyan government
to address cultural heritage issues. It notes that
- “[A]rtifacts,
which had been excavated from temples, were also stolen from the
storerooms.”
- “Museums
have also been vandalized and looted by invading militias.”
- “There
are also reported thefts from museums and storerooms of documented and
undocumented objects.”
- “[A]ll
of the country’s twenty-four museums are closed.”
- Lacking
government support, Department of Antiquities staff “continue to take
personal responsibility for the objects housed in their institutions.”
No US Market for Illicit Artifacts
The Libyan request’s description of the U.S. market
for ancient artifacts in Libyan style does not claim that any came recently
from Libya or that any were not legally acquired.
The Tuareg materials and Islamic objects of the 18th
and 19th century for which “protection,” i.e. embargo is sought were legally
available for trade in Libya for many decades and are widely and legally
available in European, Asian, and US markets. The request does not even claim
that ethnographic materials were restricted in export from Libya in the past.
No Access for US Citizens, No Study, No
Sharing of Excavated Materials
The request fails to meet criteria set by Congress
that require that US citizens have access to Libyan culture through museum
exhibitions or other venues. There is not a single traveling exhibition
mentioned in the request.
Although the request acknowledges that foreign
institutions and missions have done extensive archaeological work in Libya,
these archaeological agreements do not allow sharing or even permanent export
from Libya of any objects for study.
Based on the written request as presented by the
Department of State, Libya’s recent governments have done little or nothing in
the last decade to protect Libyan sites. Nor has any Libyan government made any
effort to ensure that US citizens were able to access Libyan art and artifacts
through traveling exhibitions, museum loans, or even through providing digital
online access to art in Libya itself.
US Organizations with Middle East Ties are
Promoting the Libyan Request
This request appears timed to coincide with a raft of
recent presentations about the trade in looted Middle Eastern art by the
Antiquities Coalition and its various partners – much of it based on
discredited data. The presentations have focused on the evils of the international
trade in looted art from these regions, and by wholly unsubstantiated
statements that looted artifacts from the crisis areas in the Middle East have
entered the US market or are being sold here. In these presentations, the value
of the legal market in provenanced antiquities, especially the auction market,
are used to justify claims about a supposed illicit market. In the view of the
Antiquities Coalition, agreements under the CPIA with authoritarian Middle
Eastern governments are seen as positive because they will end the art trade.
C. What
You Can Do
Admittedly, all the evidence points to the matter
being already decided—no matter what the CPIA says, what the facts really are,
and what American citizens or others interested in collecting Libyan artifacts may
think. Still, to remain silent is to
give cultural bureaucrats and archaeologists with an ax to grind against
collectors exactly what they want-- the claim that any MOU is not
controversial.
So, to submit comments concerning the proposed MOU, go
to the Federal
rulemaking Portal and enter Docket No. DOS-2017-0028
and by all means speak your mind. For a
direct link, try here: https://www.regulations.gov/document?D=DOS_FRDOC_0001-4160
and click on the “comment here” button
to make your case.
What should you say?
Provide a brief, polite explanation about why the request should be
denied or limited. Indicate to CPAC how
restrictions will negatively impact your business and/or the cultural
understanding and people to people contacts collecting provides. Coin collectors should add that it’s
typically impossible to assume a particular coin was “first discovered within”
and “subject to the export control” of Libya and that Libyan historical coins while
not as common as others, are widely and freely available for sale elsewhere,
particularly in Europe. And, of course,
feel free to mention any concerns you might have about government transparency,
whether this is a real “emergency” of “crisis proportions,” and how the State
Department has generally handled this request.
Finally, you don’t have to be an
American citizen to comment—you just need to be concerned enough to spend
twenty or so minutes to express your views on-line.
Friday, June 16, 2017
Problematic MOU Request
The State Department has notified the public of its receipt of a request for a MOU with Libya. It remains to be seen how a country with two competing governments, that is over-run by militias and which remains in danger from ISIS can meet its obligations under UNESCO and the CPIA to protect and preserve is own cultural property let alone that which may be repatriated from the US under the terms of any agreement. Libya needs our help, but that help should be focused on protecting its world class archaeological sites from the depredations of ISIS and other radical Islamic groups. Turning US Customs loose to seize and forfeit "undocumented" "Libyan" artifacts will only harm legitimate trade and the appreciation for Libya's ancient cultures. It certainly won't help protect Libyan archaeological sites and museums from their greatest threat, which is hammer and explosive wielding religious fanatics.
Labels:
Import Restrictions,
Libya,
MOU,
State Department,
terrorism
Wednesday, June 14, 2017
Desperately Seeking Continued Funding?
On June 8, 2017, CPO attended a panel discussion entitled, "Preserving Northern Iraq's Cultural Heritage." The major theme of the event was to document the good work the Smithsonian is doing stabilizing what is left of Nimrud after ISIS dynamited and bulldozed much of the site.
However, the continued hype about the supposed value of ISIS looted material ($80 million!) as well as surprising claims that cultural heritage preservation fights terrorism and fosters minority rights seem calculated to sway Trump Administration and Congressional budget officials as much as anything else. Indeed, it probably was no coincidence that representatives of the House Foreign Relations Committee were in the audience.
If anything, the American Schools of Oriental Research (ASOR) should be subject to serious scrutiny from appropriators given the $900,000 taxpayer costs of ASOR's cooperative agreement with the State Department, ASOR's efforts to lobby on issues related to that same contract, and the continuing efforts of ASOR members to hype the value of looting by ISIS long after other, more disinterested sources have questioned such hype.
However, the continued hype about the supposed value of ISIS looted material ($80 million!) as well as surprising claims that cultural heritage preservation fights terrorism and fosters minority rights seem calculated to sway Trump Administration and Congressional budget officials as much as anything else. Indeed, it probably was no coincidence that representatives of the House Foreign Relations Committee were in the audience.
If anything, the American Schools of Oriental Research (ASOR) should be subject to serious scrutiny from appropriators given the $900,000 taxpayer costs of ASOR's cooperative agreement with the State Department, ASOR's efforts to lobby on issues related to that same contract, and the continuing efforts of ASOR members to hype the value of looting by ISIS long after other, more disinterested sources have questioned such hype.
Labels:
archaeological lobby,
ASOR,
Lobbying,
Smithsonian,
terrorism
Thursday, June 8, 2017
Museum and Auction House Work Together To Reunite Collector With His Coins
This is a great story about the efforts of Virginia State authorities, the Virginia Museum of Fine Arts and CNG, Inc. to find the owner of a box of ancient coins that had been lost. A happy ending about how government officials and private industry worked together to reunite a collector with his collection.
Wednesday, June 7, 2017
Import Restrictions Without End
The drafters of the CPIA contemplated that import restrictions would give breathing space for source countries to get their own house in order, but they were never supposed to go on forever. Yet, the State Department and US Customs have extended import restrictions on Peruvian goods for the fourth time. So, Americans have been limited in their ability to import Peruvian goods from third countries for yet another 5 years.
The extension expands restrictions to colonial era manuscripts although it is dubious that they meet the definition of ethnological objects under the CPIA. Presumably, the restrictions were put into place to keep Peruvian citizens from selling off old manuscripts to foreigners. Materials within Peruvian institutions are already restricted from entry in the US under the CPIA's stolen property provisions.
The extension expands restrictions to colonial era manuscripts although it is dubious that they meet the definition of ethnological objects under the CPIA. Presumably, the restrictions were put into place to keep Peruvian citizens from selling off old manuscripts to foreigners. Materials within Peruvian institutions are already restricted from entry in the US under the CPIA's stolen property provisions.
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